China & Multinational Corporations

As a land we have made peace and war; as a state we have vanquished our common enemies; as a nation we have formed alliances, and made treaties, and entered into various compacts and conventions with foreign states.

Jay says that the muckle developed a federal form of govern handst from an earlyish on time and have tended toward that form, and presumably the new Constitution should be structured around this approach.

Rogers M. smith notes the two streams of policy-making though as to the degree to which Americans can be thought of as alike, with the one being the liberal democratic society in which most people share in a let loose and equal society, and the alternative which recognizes "the in class slight ideologies and institutions of ascriptive hierarchy that defined the semipolitical stance of racial and ethnic minorities through most of U.S. history" (Smith 549). Smith refers to the society that has developed as embodying multiple traditions. He challenges the thesis of Alexis de Tocqueville that America has been shaped primarily by free and egalitarian ideas and the beneficial material conditions that obtained at the birth of the nation. Still, Smith sets prohibited to challenge de Tocqueville's thesis "by showing that its adherents fail to ready due weight to inegalitarian ideologies and conditions that have shaped the participants and the

The planters turned to the farmers to form an agrarian alliance, and for more than fractional a century this powerful coalition embraced the bulk of the sound interests of the country. As time went on, therefore, the main stream of American political conviction deviated more and more from the antidemocratic position of the Constitution-makers. Yet, curiously, their general ecstasy with the Constitution together with their growing nationalism made Americans deep reverent of the founding generation. . . (Hofstadter 33).

Even the Constitution was not as egalitarian as we might like to think. Many nutriment did not apply to women, for instance, and slaves were counted as three-fifths of a person for the purposes of representation.

prop stimulateers were given greater power and more rights than those who did not own property. Charles A. Beard refers to the economic substructure of the Constitution and says that the way to picture the nature of the Constitution is not to examine the document itself except the arguments and correspondence of the period, including the arguments at the Convention and The Federalist Papers. Beard sees the Constitution as having been shaped to protect dominant interests in the society of the time, and he refers to The Federalist as "an economic interpretation of the Constitution by the men best fitted, through an intimate knowledge of the ideals of the framers, to expound the political science of the new government" (Beard 24).

Hofstadter, Richard. "The Founding Fathers: An Age of Realism." In American Politics: Classic & Contemporary Readings. Ed. Allan J. Cigler and Burdett A. Loomis. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1992. 30-34.

Actually, the early nation was not as egalitarian as de Tocqueville assumed, and the before Articles of Confederation showed this by developing a system less centralized than under the Constitution later and more base around the idea of giving more power to accepted states and certain classe
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